In the frozen heartland of America, Minneapolis has become a symbol of unchecked liberal chaos—a city where state and local officials have turned their backs on law and order, enabling fraud, violence, and open defiance of federal authority. The Trump administration’s bold crackdown on immigration fraud and illegal aliens through Operation Metro Surge has exposed the rot at the core of Minnesota’s Democratic leadership. But half-measures won’t cut it anymore. To root out the criminal networks embedded in state and local government, President Trump must invoke the Insurrection Act, deploy 25,000 to 30,000 troops, and orchestrate a coordinated takeover. This isn’t just about cleaning up one city; it’s a blueprint for reclaiming other corrupt blue states from the grip of radical progressives who prioritize open borders over American citizens.

The evidence of systemic corruption in Minnesota is overwhelming. For years, state programs have been plagued by massive fraud schemes, siphoning billions from taxpayer-funded initiatives like child nutrition, housing, and autism services. Federal prosecutors estimate up to $9 billion stolen, with most defendants tied to immigrant communities, particularly Somalis. Operation PARRIS, launched by DHS and USCIS, is reexamining thousands of refugee cases for fraud, focusing on Minnesota’s 5,600 recent refugees. Yet, Governor Tim Walz and Mayor Jacob Frey have actively aided these schemes by refusing to cooperate with ICE, releasing nearly 470 criminal aliens back into communities, and labeling federal enforcement as “racist” retaliation. Their sanctuary policies have turned Minneapolis into a haven for fraudsters, drug traffickers, and child predators, all while native Minnesotans suffer rising crime and economic strain.

This obstruction isn’t passive—it’s deliberate sabotage. Walz and Frey have sued to halt the federal surge, claiming it’s politically motivated despite Minnesota’s fraud epidemic dwarfing national averages. They’ve instructed local police not to honor ICE detainers, allowing dangerous criminals to roam free. The DOJ is now investigating them for impeding federal enforcement, a clear violation of the law. And the violence? They’ve allowed riots to fester, with protesters clashing violently against ICE agents, throwing objects, blocking operations, and even pouring water to create icy hazards. Two shootings in a week— including the tragic death of Renee Good and a Venezuelan immigrant wounded—have escalated tensions, yet state leaders blame the feds instead of restoring order.

Worse still, this regime of radicals has blood on its hands. In June 2025, Democratic lawmaker Melissa Hortman and her husband were assassinated in a politically motivated attack by Vance Boelter, a former aide appointed under Walz’s administration. Boelter, with a hit list of 45 Democrats, also wounded State Sen. John Hoffman and his wife. Conspiracies swirl about Walz’s involvement, amplified by Trump’s posts, but the fact remains: under his watch, political violence has spiked, with officials promoting division and shielding suspects. This isn’t governance; it’s a criminal enterprise masquerading as progressive policy, agitating the left while failing to secure communities.

The numbers demand action. ICE has arrested hundreds of “worst of the worst” criminals—murderers, child rapists, and fraudsters—despite local interference. But with over 2,000 agents deployed, protests have turned the city into a war zone, outnumbering local police three to one. Judges have restricted ICE tactics, handcuffing agents from defending against agitators. Trump rightly threatened the Insurrection Act, a tool used by presidents like George H.W. Bush to restore order, but backed off—for now. Anything less invites more chaos, demotivating Trump’s base and emboldening open-borders advocates ahead of 2026 midterms.

Half measures—like limited surges or court battles—only exacerbate the issue, alienating patriots while handing victories to the left. Walz and Frey’s defiance has created a powder keg, energizing protesters who paint enforcement as inhumane. Amnesty whispers and carve-outs for workers undermine the mandate, signaling weakness. This piecemeal rot allows demographic shifts to continue, eroding America’s fabric.

The solution: Invoke the Insurrection Act now. Deploy 25,000-30,000 troops for a full takeover—expose the fraud networks, arrest complicit officials, and reconstruct governance under federal oversight. Start with Minneapolis as ground zero, then replicate in Chicago, Portland, and other blue bastions. No more excuses—with the One Big Beautiful Bill funding deportations, the tools are there. Anything less proves the “golden age” is fool’s gold, shattering the coalition and dooming the GOP. The military is the only way to deliver results and secure America’s future.

In the high-stakes arena of American politics, few issues ignite passion like immigration. For the core supporters of Donald Trump’s America First agenda, mass deportations weren’t just a campaign promise—they were the litmus test for whether this administration would deliver real change or revert to the empty rhetoric of past Republican leadership. Nick Fuentes, the outspoken leader of the America First movement, has emerged as a vocal critic, demanding tangible results: at least 1 million deportations per year, or Republicans can kiss goodbye any hope of retaining power in the 2026 midterms. Without swift, decisive action, Fuentes warns, the Trump administration risks alienating its true base, handing ammunition to pro-open borders advocates, and dooming the GOP to electoral oblivion.

Fuentes, whose “America First” platform has galvanized young conservatives with its unapologetic nationalism, has been relentless in holding the administration accountable. In a series of pointed posts on X, he has lambasted what he sees as sluggish progress on deportations, labeling them a “lie” and highlighting figures that fall far short of expectations. As of late 2025, Fuentes noted deportation rates averaging just 14,500 per month—projecting to under 700,000 over four years, a fraction of the promised scale. He has criticized key figures like Stephen Miller, calling out the lack of mass arrests and enforcement despite the hype. Fuentes’ message is clear: half-hearted efforts, such as prioritizing only criminals or offering amnesty to certain workers, are betrayals that compensate for broader failures, including foreign policy missteps and economic concessions.

The numbers tell a stark story. According to the Department of Homeland Security, as of December 2025, over 605,000 noncitizens had been deported since Trump took office, with an additional 1.9 million reportedly self-deporting via programs like the CBP Home app, which offers free flights and $1,000 incentives. The White House touts these figures as historic, claiming they’ve led to economic wins: two million native-born Americans gaining jobs while foreign-born employment drops, and declining home prices in high-immigration metro areas. Detention has surged too, with daily averages climbing from 39,000 to nearly 70,000 by early January 2026. Yet critics, including independent analyses, argue these totals inflate reality by including border returns and voluntary departures, not the interior removals that target long-term unauthorized immigrants. In fact, some reports peg actual deportations at around 390,000 for Trump’s first year, below the Biden administration’s final tally of 778,000 and well short of the pledged 1 million annually. Fuentes echoes this skepticism, updating his “Golden Age” scorecard to highlight paltry 325,000 deportations for 2025 amid other perceived betrayals like foreign aid and Epstein file redactions.

This shortfall isn’t just a policy quibble—it’s a political time bomb. Trump’s base, particularly the populist right that Fuentes represents, voted for transformation, not tweaks. If the administration fails to ramp up to mass-scale operations, it risks demotivating these voters ahead of the 2026 midterms, where control of Congress hangs in the balance. Fuentes has explicitly tied support to results: no 1 million deportations and a border wall means no votes for Republicans in 2026 or 2028. Polling already shows cracks, with Trump’s immigration approval dipping from 50% to 41% amid backlash over raids and family separations. Without proving its mettle, the GOP could see turnout plummet, allowing Democrats to reclaim ground by portraying Republicans as all bluster and no bite.

Worse, half measures exacerbate the problem. Fuentes cautions against “performative cruelty”—raids that grab headlines but achieve little, alienating communities without solving the issue. Such tactics agitate the left, energizing pro-open borders groups who paint enforcement as inhumane, while failing to deliver the systemic change needed to secure the border long-term. Amnesty carve-outs for farm or construction workers, as floated by Trump, only undermine the mandate, signaling weakness and inviting more illegal entries. This piecemeal approach hands victory to opponents, who can claim moral high ground while the demographic shifts they favor continue unchecked.

The clock is ticking. With new funding from the One Big Beautiful Bill securing $150 billion for deportations and wall construction, excuses are evaporating. Plans to expand ICE agents and detention to over 100,000 beds signal potential escalation, but words must become action. For Fuentes and his followers, anything less than 1 million deportations annually is bust— a failure that could shatter the coalition and pave the way for open-borders dominance. The Trump administration must deliver results, not rhetoric, or risk proving to its base that the “golden age” was just fool’s gold.

The latest filing in Frazier v. Jones does not arise from speculation or hindsight. It arises from a federally mandated change that took effect at the end of 2024.

Under updated EPA Lead and Copper Rule requirements, municipalities were required to complete and publicly maintain more accurate service line inventories, including how “unknown” lines are classified for replacement planning. Once those standards were applied, Cedar Rapids’ long-standing public representations about its water system began to shift — quickly and materially.

“This isn’t speculation. Almost all of the evidence I’m using comes straight from their own documents — the City, housing authorities, state agencies, and federal law. I’m not creating it. I’m producing it.”
— Will Frazier

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How the RICO Claim Reached the Water Issue

Civil RICO is not meant to capture isolated errors. It addresses patterns of conduct, particularly where institutions respond defensively once compliance obligations tighten.

In recent federal filings, Frazier notified the court that newly discovered evidence related to water infrastructure and public safety — evidence required to exist under updated federal rules — had been transmitted prior to judgment but not considered. He further alleges that retaliatory actions escalated after he began requesting records tied to that required data.

RICO does not require proof of intent at the outset. It requires showing repeated conduct, notice, contradiction, and harm tied to coordinated behavior. That is why water infrastructure data became relevant to the case — not as a separate environmental lawsuit, but as context for how systems respond when compliance becomes unavoidable.

“This isn’t about one mistake. It’s about how institutions respond once compliance becomes unavoidable.”
— Will Frazier

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Why the “17 Percent” Figure Changed

Cedar Rapids Water Service Line Map (Current)

For years, Cedar Rapids publicly referenced an estimate of roughly 17 percent lead-related service lines. That figure existed in a regulatory environment where “unknown” classifications were common and not always treated as presumptive lead for planning purposes.

That changed.

Under EPA Lead and Copper Rule revisions finalized and enforced by late 2024, municipalities are now required to treat unknown service lines far more conservatively — effectively as presumptive lead until proven otherwise. This affects planning, disclosure, and replacement prioritization.

Once those standards are applied:

• Large “unknown” areas no longer remain neutral
• Many lines shift into galvanized requiring replacement or presumptive lead
• Exposure appears more concentrated in older housing stock

“Seventeen percent was never the ceiling. Once the EPA required cities to apply the law correctly, the numbers changed.”
— Will Frazier

This is not a retroactive accusation. It is the consequence of updated federal compliance requirements.

Cedar Rapids Map (Applying EPA Guidelines for Unknown Pipes)

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What Happened After the Records Request

After formally requesting records explaining how Cedar Rapids was classifying service lines under the updated federal standards, Frazier did not receive documents.

Instead, the City placed a yellow door tag — not on his door, but on his neighbor’s.

The notice stated that the Water Department needed to repair or inspect the water meter. According to Frazier, the City later acknowledged the visit was connected to his records request.

“I asked for paperwork. I didn’t ask them to show up at someone’s house. And I didn’t ask them to inspect a water meter — because a water meter isn’t a service line.”
— Will Frazier

A water meter is municipal equipment used for billing and readings. It is not a lead pipe and not a galvanized service line. Frazier argues that labeling the visit as a meter repair contradicts the stated purpose of verifying line classifications.

More significantly, the notice was left only on the door of a non-litigant neighbor, not the litigant who made the request. In active litigation — particularly where retaliation has already been alleged — selective contact with a vulnerable third party raises serious concerns.

“You don’t contact the weaker party next door and pretend it’s routine. That’s intimidation — and the paper trail proves it.”
— Will Frazier

At this stage, Frazier is not required to prove motive. He is required to show notice, contradiction, and pattern — which he argues the documentation now reflects.

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Why the Water Issue Fits the RICO Pattern

The door-tag incident does not stand alone. Frazier points to a consistent pattern that emerges once federal compliance tightened:

• Risk classifications change only after scrutiny
• Requests for records trigger physical actions instead of disclosures
• Administrative framing is used to minimize urgency
• Corrections occur under pressure, not proactively

In civil RICO analysis, pattern matters more than any single act. The same institutional behavior alleged in housing enforcement and court proceedings appears again in the City’s response to newly required water data.

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What Is at Stake Now

Because the updated inventory requirements only took effect recently, the stakes are forward-looking.

Until service lines are accurately classified and replaced under current federal standards, entire categories of projects remain exposed:

• Downtown and riverfront redevelopment
• Public-private construction initiatives
• Casino-adjacent and infrastructure-heavy developments
• Federal and state funding tied to environmental compliance

EPA funding, environmental justice reviews, and financing disclosures all rely on accurate, current inventories — not outdated classifications.

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What Comes Next

Frazier has now formally notified federal courts and agencies that his RICO case has expanded to include newly required water infrastructure data, supported by municipal records and updated federal law.

The question is no longer whether Cedar Rapids has lead or galvanized service lines — that is a known issue nationwide. The question is how institutions responded once federal rules required greater accuracy, and whether actions taken after that point crossed into retaliation or obstruction.

That question is now part of the federal record.