Politics
BOMBSHELL: At Least One Of The Four Memos Comey Passed To NYT Contained Classified Info
Published
8 years agoon
(Via Zerohedge)
Back in May, the New York Times scored one of their biggest ‘hits’ to date on Trump when they secured 4 memos drafted by James Comey allegedly summarizing direct conversations with the President (we covered it here: Comey’s Revenge: Leaks Memo To NYT Saying Trump Asked Him To End Flynn Investigation). Among other things, the memos asserted that Trump directly asked Comey to end his investigation of Michael Flynn and to pledge “loyalty” to him.
Of course, as we all know by now, Comey did not pass his memos directly to the New York Times but instead used an intermediary, Columbia University Law School professor Daniel Richman. Now, Richman told CNN in July that none of the memos he received were marked “classified” but, according to a new letter sent to Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein yesterday by Chuck Grassley, that may not have been entirely accurate.
As Grassley notes, 4 of the 7 Comey memos that he reviewed at the FBI were “marked classified at the “SECRET” or “CONFIDENTIAL” levels.” Moreover, since Richman received 4 memos, simple mathematical realities would dictate that at least of them contained material that the FBI now considers classified.
My staff has since reviewed these memoranda in a Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility (SCIF) at the FBI, and I reviewed them in a SCIF at the Office of Senate Security. The FBI insisted that these reviews take place in a SCIF because the majority of the memos are classified. Of the seven memos, four are marked classified at the “SECRET” or “CONFIDENTIAL” levels. Only three did not contain classified information.
According to press reports, Professor Daniel Richman of Columbia Law School stated that Mr. Comey provided him four of the seven memoranda and encouraged him to “detail [Comey’s] memos to the press.” If it’s true that Professor Richman had four of the seven memos, then in light of the fact that four of the seven memos the Committee reviewed are classified, it would appear that at least one memo the former FBI director gave Professor Richman contained classified information. Professor Richman later read a portion of one of the memos to a New York Times reporter.
For those who missed it, here is what Richman told CNN about the classification of the memos he shared with the New York Times:
According to CNN, Daniel Richman, with whom Comey shared at least one memo the contents of which Richman shared with New York Times reporter Michael Schmidt, said President Trump was wrong in accusing Comey of sharing classified information with journalists.
“No memo was given to me that was marked ‘classified,'” Daniel Richman told CNN. “No memo was passed on to the Times.”
Well, not quite: Richman did share the contents of one memo, he said, but “the substance of the memo passed on to the Times was not marked classified and to my knowledge remains unclassified.”
As you may recall, during his June 2017 testimony Comey said he specifically wrote the memos to avoid including classified information to make them “easier to discuss.”
“My thinking was, if I write it in such a way that I don’t include anything that would trigger a classification, that’ll make it easier for us to discuss, within the FBI and the government, and to — to hold on to it in a way that makes it accessible to us,” Comey told senators.
And here, as in the case of Hillary Clinton, is where the problem emerges, because what Comey considered not confidential – just like Clinton – has differed from others’ opinion. In other words, whether he wrote or rewrote the memos to make the leak “easier” – which also begs the question what else was redacted or added to the original content – the confidential information remained…at least in the opinion of someone within the Department of Justice.
Of course, as we all know well by now, mishandling classified information and/or making false statements to the FBI is only a crime if you’re a Republican and/or not part of the Deep State.
Here is the full Chuck Grassley Letter to Rosenstein:
Dear Deputy Attorney General Rosenstein:
This Committee has previously written to the Department of Justice and the Federal Bureau of Investigation about the memorandum that former Director Comey created purportedly memorializing his interactions with President Trump. My staff has since reviewed these memorandum in a Sensitive Compartmented Information Facility (SCIF) at the FBI, and I reviewed them in a SCIF at the Office of Senate Security. The FBI insisted that these reviews take place in a SCIF because the majority of the memos are classified. Of the seven memos, four are marked classified at the “SECRET” or “CONFIDENTIAL” levels. Only three did not contain classified information. FBI personnel refused to answer factual questions during the document reviews, including questions about the chain of custody of the documents I was reviewing, the date that they were marked classified, and who marked them as classified.
According to press reports, Professor Daniel Richman of Columbia Law School stated that Mr. Comey provided him four of the seven memoranda and encouraged him to “detail [Comey’s] memos to the press.” If it’s true that Professor Richman had four of the seven memos, then in light of the fact that four of the seven memos the Committee reviewed are classified, it would appear that at least one memo the former FBI director gave Professor Richman contained classified information. Professor Richman later read a portion of one of the memos to a New York Times reporter.
When the Committee contacted Professor Richman seeking copies of the memos Mr. Comey had provided him, he refused to provide them, did not say how many he had received from Mr. Comey, and refused to say whether he retained copies. It is unclear whether any of the memos reviewed by the Committee were retrieved from Professor Richman. The Committee has accordingly not determined which of the seven memos Mr. Comey provided him. Professor Richman did tell Committee investigators that he was working with the Special Counsel’s Office, and he reportedly told the media that he had turned over to the FBI copies of the memos he’d received from Mr. Comey. If true, the Justice Department should know which memos were provided and be able to share that information with the Committee.
In order for the Committee to further assess this situation, please respond to the following in writing by no later than January 17, 2018:
Has the Justice Department or FBI in fact determined that any of the memoranda Mr. Comey sent Professor Richman contained classified information? If so, what steps were taken to retrieve and safeguard the information?
Which of the seven memoranda the FBI made available for the Committee’s review did Mr. Comey give to Professor Richman?
When did Mr. Comey give Professor Richman the memoranda?
At the time that Professor Richman received the memoranda, were any marked as classified?
At the time that Professor Richman received the memoranda, did any contain classified information, regardless of markings?
Please explain the method by which Mr. Comey transmitted the memoranda to Professor Richman. If the transmittal was electronic:
Please provide the account information that Mr. Comey and Mr. Richman used.
Please describe what steps the FBI has taken to recover all copies of any classified memorandum that might reside on computers, servers, or at other locations.
Have you initiated an investigation into the matter of whether Mr. Comey improperly disclosed classified information by providing these memoranda to Professor Richman? If so, what is the status of the investigation? If not, why not?
Has there been any review of whether the disclosure of the memoranda by Mr. Comey was otherwise improper, such as whether it violated his employment agreement or any Department rule or policy? If so, what is the status of the review?
If not, why not?
When did the FBI mark the four memoranda as classified, and who made the classification decision?
As noted above, it has been reported that Professor Richman returned the memoranda to the FBI. If so, on what date did this occur?
Did anyone from the FBI or Special Counsel’s Office discuss with Professor Richman this Committee’s request for copies of the memos? If so, please provide all records related to any such communications.
Does Professor Richman still have possession of any of the memorandum or copies?
Thank you for your prompt attention to this matter. Please contact Patrick Davis of my Committee staff at (202) 224-5225 if you have any questions.
Crime
Texas AG Ken Paxton Sues ActBlue (Democrat Funding Machine)
Published
1 week agoon
April 20, 2026
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton just dropped a landmark lawsuit against ActBlue, the Democratic Party’s favorite fundraising machine, for systematically deceiving Americans about its donation processes that enable rampant fraud, including illegal foreign contributions and untraceable gift card schemes. On Monday, April 20, 2026, Paxton filed suit in Texas state court, accusing the platform of violating consumer protection laws by lying to donors and the public about the strength of its verification safeguards. This isn’t some minor paperwork dispute — it’s a direct assault on the integrity of our elections, where ActBlue has funneled over $16 billion into Democratic campaigns and causes while turning a blind eye to straw donations, identity fraud, and cash from overseas that has no business influencing American politics.
For years, everyday patriots have watched as Big Tech-enabled platforms like ActBlue operated with impunity, raking in small-dollar donations that often smelled fishy — thousands of identical contributions from the same IP addresses, elderly donors suddenly maxing out limits they never touched before, and untraceable gift cards flowing through after the platform claimed to Congress it had shut that door in 2024. Paxton’s investigators proved otherwise, successfully pushing small gift card donations through to the DNC and Democratic candidates as recently as February 2026 without a hitch. The radical left has relied on this dark money pipeline to subvert election laws, compromise sovereignty, and flood campaigns with cash that real Americans never authorized. Paxton nailed it: “The radical left has relied on ActBlue as a way to funnel foreign donations and dark money into their political campaigns to subvert our laws and compromise the integrity of our nation’s elections.”
This lawsuit exposes the deeper betrayal of the ruling class against working families and honest voters who play by the rules. While border communities in Texas and across America suffer under waves of illegal immigration and crime, Democrat elites in Washington and blue strongholds use tools like ActBlue to bankroll their open-borders agenda, woke indoctrination in schools, and endless attacks on traditional values — all funded by processes riddled with fraud that they publicly deny. Paxton’s action builds on his multi-year investigation that uncovered suspicious donation patterns and prompted calls for FEC reforms to ban straw donations. The consequences are clear: eroded trust in elections, stolen voice for American citizens, and a tilted playing field that favors globalist interests over national sovereignty.
What needs to happen now is full accountability and sweeping reforms to protect election integrity. Paxton’s suit should force ActBlue to clean house or face real penalties, while Congress and the FEC must step up with ironclad rules banning foreign nationals, unverified gift cards, and obscured identities from touching U.S. campaigns. States should follow Texas’s lead and launch their own probes. True election security starts with secure borders, verified voters, and transparent fundraising that puts American citizens first — not shadowy platforms serving the America Last crowd. Patriots everywhere should celebrate fighters like Ken Paxton for refusing to let the radical left rig the game. The fight for fair elections and a sovereign nation isn’t over; it’s just getting started. Demand your representatives back real reforms, or watch the fraud machine keep humming along at the expense of every hardworking family in this country.
Europe
Populist Warning: Hungary’s Nationalist Fortress Falls
Published
2 weeks agoon
April 12, 2026
In a stunning upset on April 12, 2026, Hungarian voters delivered a crushing blow to Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his Fidesz party after 16 years of defiant nationalist leadership. The opposition Tisza Party, led by Péter Magyar—a slick former insider turned “change” candidate—stormed to victory with around 53% of the vote and a projected supermajority of 138 seats in the 199-member parliament. Orbán conceded defeat, calling it “painful,” as record turnout hit nearly 80%. What was sold as a grassroots revolt against “corruption” and “illiberalism” looks far more like a coordinated elite operation to drag Hungary back into the EU’s suffocating embrace. This isn’t just a Hungarian story; it’s a flashing red alert for every nation fighting to preserve its sovereignty against globalist machine politics.
The real story behind this result is a classic elite betrayal of working families who once rallied behind Orbán’s unapologetic defense of borders, traditional values, and resistance to endless migrant invasions and Brussels diktats. Magyar’s Tisza outfit, dressed up as “centre-right” and “pro-reform,” promises to “bolster the rule of law” and unlock frozen EU billions—code for surrendering Hungary’s hard-won independence on migration, family policy, and foreign affairs. Orbán built a bulwark against demographic replacement, gender ideology, and Ukraine war escalation that threatened to bleed Europe dry. Now, with high turnout fueled by anti-Orbán mobilization and possible foreign-backed campaigns, that wall is cracking. They—the Davos crowd, EU bureaucrats, and their media allies—painted Orbán as an authoritarian boogeyman while ignoring how his policies protected Hungarian workers from the cheap labor floods and cultural erosion devastating Western Europe. This shift reeks of the same globalist playbook we’ve seen time and again: undermine leaders who put citizens first, install pliable figures who prioritize “European values” over national survival.
The consequences for everyday Hungarians—and the broader populist movement—could be dire if this new regime follows through. Expect a rapid pivot toward open-border policies lite, accelerated EU integration that funnels sovereignty to unelected officials in Brussels, and a rollback of pro-family incentives that kept Hungary’s birth rates from total collapse. Hungarian families already squeezed by inflation and energy costs from green fantasies will face more “reforms” that benefit multinational corporations while eroding national identity. On the world stage, this weakens the America First alliance; Orbán stood as a rare European voice skeptical of forever wars and mass migration pacts that hurt American workers too. A pro-EU supermajority in Budapest hands globalists a propaganda win, signaling that even resilient populists can be toppled through relentless pressure, funding, and narrative control. For the U.S., it’s a reminder that our own battles against Big Tech censorship, bureaucratic overreach, and demographic swamping demand eternal vigilance—Trump’s return notwithstanding.
Patriots must treat Hungary’s fall as a cautionary tale, not a death knell. What needs to happen now is a fierce counter-mobilization: expose the foreign influences and elite capture behind Magyar’s rise, double down on securing borders and sovereignty wherever populists hold ground, and reject any “moderate” surrender that trades short-term EU cash for long-term national suicide. America First means learning from this—strengthen election integrity, rally working-class voters against cultural Marxism, and back leaders who refuse to bend the knee to globalist overlords. Hungary showed that high turnout can be weaponized against defenders of the nation; we must ensure ours delivers victories for citizens, not Davos. The fight for Western civilization isn’t over, but complacency invites exactly this kind of betrayal. Time to wake up, organize, and push back harder than ever before.
In a fiery Truth Social post this week, President Donald Trump unloaded on four prominent conservative voices—Tucker Carlson, Candace Owens, Alex Jones, and Megyn Kelly—calling them “low IQ,” “stupid people,” “nut jobs,” “troublemakers,” and “losers” who aren’t real MAGA. The trigger? Their vocal opposition to U.S. military escalation against Iran, which critics frame as part of a broader joint U.S.-Israeli campaign in the region. Trump spent hundreds of words attacking them while insisting his actions align with keeping nuclear weapons out of Iran’s hands, the number one state sponsor of terror.
The attacks were personal. Trump mocked Jones over his Sandy Hook-related bankruptcy, jabbed at Owens’ past comments on Brigitte Macron, questioned Carlson’s education, and dismissed them all as irrelevant podcast hosts chasing publicity. In response, Owens quipped it might be time to “put Grandpa up in a home.” Jones suggested Trump had changed and prayed for him to be freed from “demonic influences,” while Carlson has repeatedly called Trump a “slave” to Israel, arguing the war serves Israeli interests over America First.
On the surface, this looks like a messy MAGA civil war: Trump, once boosted by these influencers, now turning on them over foreign policy. But zoom out, and a sharper pattern emerges. Trump’s willingness to take the punch—alienating loud voices in his own coalition—functions like reverse psychology. By drawing a hard line and inviting the inevitable backlash, he spotlights the very issues his critics obsess over: Israel’s influence on U.S. policy, AIPAC-style lobbying, donor pressures (think Miriam Adelson’s past contributions), and accusations of “Zionist control” over decisions from embassy moves to strikes on Iranian targets.
The Feud in Context
These critics didn’t start the fight in a vacuum. Carlson has questioned whether Israel is “blackmailing” Trump or holding leaders “enslaved,” framing U.S. involvement in the Iran conflict as contrary to America First promises. Owens has accused Trump of betraying troops for Israel, warned of false flags, and tied various events to Zionist lobbying. Jones has echoed themes of external “influences” pulling strings. Their pushback intensified as Trump defended actions against Iran, with some alleging the timing and scope served Netanyahu’s agenda more than strict U.S. interests.
Trump’s response? Instead of ignoring or quietly sidelining them, he amplified the rift with over-the-top rhetoric. The result: millions of eyes now glued to the debate. Every reply from Jones, Owens, or Carlson recirculates claims about undue foreign influence, Epstein files speculation (often laced with conspiracy), Adelson donations, and the broader “Israel lobby.” What was once fringe muttering in echo chambers becomes mainstream conservative infighting—broadcast on X, podcasts, and news cycles.
This isn’t subtle. Trump has a long history of transactional deal-making, including strong pro-Israel moves in his first term (Jerusalem embassy, Abraham Accords, Golan recognition) that pleased evangelical bases and certain donors while advancing what he saw as U.S. leverage. He’s also repeatedly warned against endless wars and nation-building. By punching right on this fault line, he forces the “anti-Zionist” wing of MAGA to overplay their hand, turning abstract gripes into concrete examples of division.
Mastercraft or Self-Sabotage?
Call it masterful political jiu-jitsu or chaotic disruption—Trump absorbs the hits to expose fractures. Critics on one side see him “caving” to neocons, donors, or Israeli security needs against a nuclear Iran. On the other, his base loyalists view the influencers as grifters who abandoned him the moment policy got tough, prioritizing isolationism over confronting terror sponsors. Either way, the spectacle drags Zionist influence, lobbying power, dual-loyalty whispers, and Middle East entanglements into the open for public dissection.
- Pro-Trump read: He’s prioritizing American security (no Iranian nukes) and calling out disloyal voices who bash him while riding his coattails. The feud proves he’s not controlled—he’s fighting on multiple fronts.
- Critics’ read: The attacks confirm external pressures overriding campaign rhetoric, with Trump “mad that he got set up by Israel.”
- Neutral observer: Regardless of who’s “right” on Iran policy, the infighting spotlights real questions about foreign aid, lobbying transparency, and whether U.S. decisions should ever prioritize another nation’s survival over domestic priorities like borders and debt.
Trump’s brand has always been willingness to brawl in public, even with allies. He takes the punch knowing it generates attention, frames the narrative, and lets opponents reveal their priorities. Here, by escalating against popular podcasters, he ensures debates over “Zionism” vs. strategic alliances, influence ops, and America First consistency dominate the discourse. The louder the backlash, the more those topics—usually confined to niche corners—flood timelines and force ordinary voters to confront them.
Whether this is deliberate 4D chess or raw instinct, the effect is the same: exposure. The feud isn’t hiding Israeli or Zionist sway; it’s thrusting it under the spotlight for millions to judge. Trump’s history suggests he bets on his base seeing strength in the fight, not weakness in the fray. In a polarized media age, taking the punch while the critics swing wildly may be the ultimate way to make the underlying tensions impossible to ignore.
The right is splintering in real time. How it resolves will say as much about U.S. foreign policy priorities as it does about Trump’s unique style of disruption. One thing is clear: no one’s looking away.
Texas AG Ken Paxton Sues ActBlue (Democrat Funding Machine)
Populist Warning: Hungary’s Nationalist Fortress Falls
Trump’s Reverse Psychology to Expose Zionism
Strait of America
